A Piece of advice CIAA Head can
pass on to Chairman of A&WR Committee on a piece of paper
We are
all aware that the Chief of the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of
Authority (Chief/Head of CIAA), Mr. Lokman Singh Karki has refused to appear
before the Agriculture and Water Resource Committee of Parliament (A&WR
Committee) headed by young parliamentarian Mr. Gagan Thapa. This was a
development before SAARC kicked off in Nepal. Thereafter, we read an
advice/editorial by Ameet Dhakal in Setopati that Mr. Karki should be summoned
again. And, this is exactly what Mr. Thapa has done now. We read that A&WR
Committee has again summoned chief of CIAA for clarifications. This is a
disturbing development.
If it
was just a clash of ego between Mr. Karki and Mr. Thapa, we could turn a deaf
ear. They can settle their own scores at their own terms but since it is
inviting a constitutional crisis, it needs a closer look. Sanctity must prevail
rather than trying hard to impose each other’s supremacy.
In this
article, I stress why CIAA chief is right not to appear before A&WR
Committee and Mr. Thapa must stop putting constitutional set up in a collapse.
Mind it, it is no way a defence of Mr. Lokman Singh Karki but only a pleading
of a “common man” why “The Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063” must be
respected.
Genesis of problems and
development thereafter:
It all
started with a direction of CIAA to the Government to scrap the licence of some
of the hydro-electricity projects which have not yet started any work or which
have failed to complete the milestone of works as agreed in agreements with the
government. In this relation Finance Committee of Parliament has already
summoned CIAA head and has received his clarification. On that day, it is
understood that CIAA head has “requested” the parliamentary committees (except Good
Governance Committee of Parliament) not to summon him. He understands that only
Good Governance Committee of Parliament can summon him as has been written in
Rule 110 of Rules on the functioning of Constituent Assembly (Parliament), 2070.
Despite
such “request” of CIAA head, A&WR Committee summoned Mr. Karki to appear
before the committee. Mr. Karki, instead of appearing in person, sent his
response letter reminding Mr. Gagan Thapa that he will not appear before A&WR
Committee but only before Good Governance Committee. As per Mr. Karki, only
Good Governance Committee can summon him as CIAA Chief and he “seems to be”
absolutely RIGHT.
Being
miffed by head of CIAA’s response, the A&WR Committee had written to
Speaker of the House to decide on the matter but we have heard no response or
action on it by the Speaker. He might be discussing the matter with experts, analysing
the legal and constitutional provisions to come to a conclusion. However, in
the race of settling scores with CIAA head, the A&WR Committee has
undermined the authority of speaker by not waiting for speaker’s response on
the matter. This is undermining of parliamentary democracy. Mr. Thapa must
understand that he and his committee cannot be a prosecutor and decider/judge
at the same time. The propriety of the office demands that he be “functus
officio” once the matter is referred to the Speaker.
Positions taken by A&WR Committee
while re-summoning CIAA head:
The A&WR
Committee and the supporters of calling/recalling CIAA head to any
parliamentary committee have argued that parliament is a supreme sovereign body
and it can summon anyone for the sake of making him/her responsible and
transparent. They argue that CIAA and any other constitutional bodies must be
responsible and accountable to the people of Nepal. As the people of Nepal have
elected a parliament to be their representative, they argue that the
accountability to the people will be expressed by making constitutional bodies
accountable to the Parliament. This is palpable and is a flawless argument and
in principle, no fault can be found on it.
However,
question remains open what processes and procedures you adopt while demanding
accountability from others. Is it that there is no limitation on the power of
parliament? Can a parliament do anything and everything under the sweep of “people’s
representatives” or on the garb of being a “sovereign body”? Definitely, this
is not so. There are limitations on the power of parliament also. The
limitations are twofold: whether it can exercise certain powers, and if it can,
how the powers are to be exercised. In a democratic constitutional process,
ends cannot justify the means. Both the ends and the means must be democratic,
constitutional, legal and should be exercised with judicious mind. It alone can
help to develop a constitutional jurisprudence which will only strengthen our
parliamentary and constitutional democracy.
We must
also be absolutely clear that Parliamentary committees are called “mini
parliaments”. However, these are the metaphors used in political writings.
Obviously, a committee of a parliament is not a synonym with a Parliament
itself. A Committee of a Parliament cannot do all those things which a
Parliament alone can do. For example, no one will argue that a bill can be
passed from a particular committee of a parliament and can be made a law.
Hence, it should be absolutely clear to a committee of a parliament that it is
no point to make a hue and cry on the pretext that a sovereign parliament’s authority
has been eroded by response of chief of CIAA.
Options for A&WR Committee:
It is
better for A&WR Committee that it withdraws the summons issued to CIAA
head. As it is clear that CIAA head can be summoned only by Good Governance
Committee of Parliament, Mr. Thapa can explore the option of sending a request
to Good Governance Committee of Parliament to summon CIAA Head. While sending
such request letter, it is wise to list down the queries in which A&WR
Committee wants to seek clarifications from CIAA Head. All the members of
A&WR Committee can be present in Good Governance Committee at the time of
hearing as allowed under Rule 112(5) of Rules on the functioning of Constituent
Assembly (Parliament), 2070. This will save the present constitutional chaos.
This will also ensure that A&WR Committee follows the constitutional
provisions in both “letter and spirit” so that the constitutional authorities
are not harassed by “mini-parliaments” for vengeance. This will help in future
to build a trust between constitutional bodies and parliament and the decorum
of both the bodies (Constitutional bodies and parliament) can be maintained.
Before
parting, I would also like to add that the Constitutional provision which gives
power to parliament to draft its own rules to govern the functioning of the
house cannot be used as a hanging sword against constitutional bodies. It must
be borne in mind that no particular provision/article of a constitution would
have supremacy against another article unless the “non-obstante” clauses are
used in such articles which may have overriding powers. Hence, in absence of
such provisions in the Constitution where parliament/mini-parliament can
control the constitutional bodies at their will, any reference on Rules on the
functioning of Constituent Assembly (Parliament), 2070 alone cannot validate
the decisions taken by A&WR Committee
when such decisions are taken at “whims and fancies” of the members.
I hope Lokman
Singh Karki passes this advice to Gagan Thapa this time too, on a piece of
paper.
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